The Place of Science in a Liberal Education
by Ralph A. Raimi
Part 1, The Problem
The Old Days
Until the end of the
Second World War, the general public -- even the highly educated part of the general
public -- didn't much worry about science education. The atom bomb that ended
the war in 1945 made all the difference. That is when it was first generally
realized how much science had changed all our lives, and was changing the world
before our eyes.
Earlier, of course,
science was respected. When Einstein came to America to join the new Institute
for Advanced Studies at Princeton in 1933 he was greeted with reverence, and
his face in the newspapers became as well known as Clark Gable's. In America
technology had been even more than respected, and earlier; the public schools
never tired of celebrating the great advances of Henry Ford and Thomas Edison.
These men were not exactly scientists, but they used the results of the science
of preceding centuries. In the mind of the public they were scientists, and the
public wasn't far off. They were certainly more like scientists than like poets
or historians. Henry Ford was no historian, after all, and was widely quoted as
having said, "History is bunk."
While there was a
difference between the world of science and the rest of the world, everyone in
education accepted this calmly. If a child seemed to have scientific talent,
well, let him study science. If poetry or history, let him do that. Nobody who
majored in history in college, in the days before the atom bomb, felt left out
of things, or inferior, if he didn't take any courses in science -- no more
than he would have felt guilty or inferior for not having learned to play the
violin. People in high school could stop their mathematics with the 10th grade
and still be in a program called "college preparatory." Many a high
school had a teacher for Latin but none for trigonometry. After 1945, however,
the public became avid for news of science.
The political controversy over how to use and control atomic energy made
everyone aware that it would be a good thing if the citizen and his legislator
in Congress knew something about mass, energy, and the speed of light. There
was much talk at the time of the necessity of having journalists who could
explain these things in the newspapers, so that people in a democracy could
make intelligent choices. Also, America needed more professional scientists,
everyone agreed, so that we could maintain our defenses and our prosperity.
Other sciences besides physics came into the newspapers, and politics, too, the
chemistry and biology, for example, that gave us penicillin, pesticides, and
new varieties of rice and corn.
But nobody went around
saying that we should therefore all learn something about biochemistry or
nuclear physics. A good thing if we did, surely, but plainly impractical, for
there are also geology, astronomy, psychology, mathematics and the medical
sciences. We would hope to have a good cadre of professionals to do the work in
each of these fields, and another of journalists to teach what we as citizens
need to know; but the rest of us, we thought, would go about our other work and
enjoy the fruits of science as before, as we might enjoy the work of Heifetz and
Shostakovitch without ourselves becoming musicians. Nor did the public attitude
really change at first, even as the scientific and technological shocks began
to hit us with increasing ferocity.
The Russians got the
A-bomb, we built an H-bomb, the Russians followed close on our heels. But then
they overtook us with rockets: The famous Soviet Sputnik, the first earth
satellite, was launched in 1957, causing President Eisenhower to appoint a new
White House officer, a Presidential Science Advisor, and causing in the
educational establishments a flurry of activity designed to increase and
improve science education in the public schools. The so-called New Math turned
up at this time, and similar efforts in physics and other sciences. Even so,
the idea was not to make the general public into scientists, or even very
knowledgeable about science, but rather to increase the supply and quality of
those people who would then become scientists.
Better physics in high school was mainly intended to make sure every potential
engineer would get off to a good start; if the potential housewife or banker
also learned a little physics, O.K., no harm done; but nobody believed these
other people needed it. Good science journalism in the papers and good science
testimony before Congressional committees would be sufficient for the rest of
us.
The Two Cultures
Then, in 1959, things
changed again. That was the year C. P. Snow published his famous essay, The
Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution. Snow, an Englishman, grew up as
a physicist; during the Second World War he rose to a position of considerable
eminence in directing the war activities of British scientists. When the war
ended in 1945, Snow was about 40 years old and at the top of his profession,
yet he turned around and became, of all things, a novelist. A successful one,
too, well known even in America for such novels as The Affair and The
Masters, stories of Cambridge University academics, of government
ministries, of scientific fraud. For ten years or so, Snow found himself living
in two worlds, for he did not at first entirely give up his scientific or
academic connections, continuing to serve, in particular, as an advisor to the
government on scientific policy. As he explained it in The Two Cultures,
he sometimes spent the day with scientists (and of course some of his best
friends were physicists), and then in the evening he would find himself with
literary people. The two groups spoke two languages, he found, and lived by
different assumptions. It wasn't that the scientists were talking physics while
the literati were talking esthetics; Snow was referring to "off-duty"
conversation, on interests they supposedly held in common with all educated
people.
In talking politics, or
love, or death -- things everyone talks about -- the two groups' attitudes were
different; they would respond differently to a given situation. It wasn't that
their opinions or conclusions differed, though often they did, but that their
processes of reasoning, of assessing evidence, had so little in common that put
together in a room they could have no way to say to one another "what was
on their minds." In other words, Snow said, they were of two cultures as
surely as were the Pilgrims and Indians at Plymouth Rock.
Now Snow tried to sound
even-handed in giving this description, and in the early part of his essay he
regretted that the British educational system made scientists as narrow about
the humanities as it made the literary folk about science; but in truth Snow
was directing his words mainly to the literary culture. He knew how ignorant
they were about science, and that having in school begun ignorant they stayed
that way.A humanist cannot just pick
up on science in bedtime reading, whereas a scientist who begins adult life
ignorant of everything but his science often does mature, bit by bit, into what
is called a cultured person. When, as a sort of test, Snow asked some of his
literary friends if they could state or explain the Second Law of Thermodynamics,
they looked at him as if he were some kind of worm. Thermodynamics?What has that to do with love and death and
the things that truly trouble a civilized mind? Snow observed that if, as a
parallel sort of test, he had asked a physicist to tell him who Othello was,
and got a similar response, then everyone, scientist and humanist alike, would
have been shocked at the ignorance. Yet the Second Law of Thermodynamics is as
central to the scientific world view as Shakespeare is to the world of letters.
And it is central not just as a framework for technical thermodynamic
calculations, but as furniture for the mind in all its thoughts and judgments.
In Snow's view, the humanists were a couple of centuries behind the times in
their casual attitude towards this awful ignorance of theirs. We will return to
the question of what is awful about this ignorance, and what is so important
about thermodynamics and its second law; these are not to the present point.
Where Snow's essay broke
new ground in the postwar debate about scientific education was not in its
lamentation of this or that particular deficiency, nor was it a plea for more
scientists or technicians, or for better scientific advice for the military or
the statesmen, as had been the post-Sputnik reaction. It was new in claiming
that some scientific education is a necessity for everyone who would be counted
truly educated. The division of the world -- the educated world, that is --
into two camps, scientists and humanists (so- called), who did not communicate
with each other was, he argued, a bad thing for the people involved, and
especially bad for the literary culture itself, which because of this ignorance
read history with a distorted eye, misunderstood the present-day problems of
mankind, and were in consequence often politically irresponsible and even
dangerous. Here in particular he had in mind exactly the government and
commercial establishment of the England of his time, which was almost entirely
led by "old boys" of Eton and the like, the sort who went on to win
"firsts" in classics or modern lit at Cambridge.
Snow was not the first to
make these observations about the importance of science. The American historian
Henry Adams had fifty years earlier written a species of autobiography, The
Education of Henry Adams, deploring his own miseducation along these lines.
He argued, if somewhat mystically, that only through an understanding of
science could the great current of history be properly assessed.Too, many great scientists of the nineteenth
century, Michael Faraday and T. H. Huxley in England, for example, had become
popularizers, urging the science of their time on lecture-circuit audiences,
for they understood as well as C. P. Snow what their theories meant for the
common understanding. In more recent times the novelist H. G. Wells
optimistically contemplated the improvement of mankind by the teaching of
science, by the clearing away of superstition in favor of rationality, thereby
providing a lesson which could than be transmuted into rational thought on
social questions too. (Wells was
himself no scientist, of course, and could not in middle age turn as
competently from literature to science, even though he wanted to (as evidenced
in his The Science of Life), as Snow had done in the other direction.
There is a lesson in this asymmetry that Snow might well have mentioned in
passing.)
Responses to C. P. Snow
But somehow all these
urgings did not penetrate the intellectual enclave that Snow called the
literary culture of England until Snow himself, a representative of both
cultures, offered his ringing challenge.
It was Snow who set the terms of the debate, still unsettled: the
question of how to get the lessons of science into the consciousness of those
who are not going to make science a profession. Indeed, the debate went
deeper than that, for not everyone agreed with Snow, even on the proposition
that knowledge of science was in principle desirable for non-scientists. Snow
ran into the sternest opposition right in his own home base, in Cambridge
University, where the famous literary critic F. R. Leavis, teacher of
generations of the British elite, in his retirement year of 1962 loosed upon C.
P. Snow a valedictory blast that shook the common rooms on both sides of the
Atlantic.
Leavis said: Nonsense!
Science doesn't really make any difference to the fundamental concerns of
mankind. Knowing a lot of science won't make us stand any straighter, won't
contribute to good judgment, good citizenship, or anything really vital in what
distinguishes man from beast. The study
of literature, said Leavis, was central in a way that science was not. Sure,
said Leavis, we need scientists, just as we need farmers and insurance agents;
very good. Let us pay a certain number of people to do our science for us, and
then let them get off our backs. The real business of humanity is centered on
human relationships: What is love? What
is our duty to our neighbors? What is tragedy, and why?
These are not scientific
questions, said Leavis, and all of the most profound contributions to their
understanding have come from people who with good reason cared nothing for the
Second Law of Thermodynamics.
Scientists themselves, with their easy optimism, tend to think all problems
can be solved, and that tragedy is not the destiny of man. What an illusion, to
think their formulas constitute a culture! What arrogance, to call it a
culture! There is only one culture, said Leavis, and it is mine.
Leavis said a good deal
more than this, and included an attack on the literary quality of Snow's
novels: Snow, he said, didn't begin to understand what literature was about.
But this was by the way. The Leavis answer to Snow was really a simple one:
There aren't two cultures, and Snow was posing a problem that does not exist.
Whether or not one follows
Leavis, there is still a second argument against Snow's thesis that must be
taken seriously, and that is that what Snow was proposing cannot be done. Most
people, it seems, simply are unable to learn enough of both cultures to make
their union possible. This was not always so. Plato and Aristotle were as much
scientists as they were philosophers of ethics and esthetics; and the medieval
poets Dante and Chaucer knew more astronomy than today's average citizen of
Rochester, New York. But it does not follow that we can expect today's poet or
philosopher to be conversant with the science of our own time.
There is too much
of it, for one thing, but more important is that it is too tightly organized.
It must be taken step by step, if it is to be learned at all; and the cement of
mathematics ties the steps together in such a way that whoever misses out on
the first few is, by the time he is twenty years old, forever barred from
understanding the rest.Continued
attendance at concerts may, in time, teach the unschooled ear much of what
music has to say; and the same can be said about literature, theater, and
history, all of which have the power to penetrate the mind by accretion, as it
were. Science does not work that way. That science is more than a collection of
facts is a truism that doesn't yet explain the difference, for music and
literature are not mere collections of sounds or words, either. It is that
somehow the accumulation of the "facts" of science does not have the
power, of itself, to induce understanding even in a well-disposed mind, as the
accumulation of musical experience can.
It is well known to all
teachers of mathematics and physics, in particular, that certain students,
apparently a majority, simply don't get the hang of it, even with good will,
with effort, and with enough intelligence to do other intellectual things quite
well. By the time today's high school teacher is in a position to present real
mathematics or physics to a class, it is already apparently too late to make a
difference: The population he faces is already divided into those who can
learn, and those whose previous disposition -- perhaps genetic, perhaps
educational -- has barred them from understanding. "Good in English, poor
in math." Who hasn't heard this assessment? And among this group are found
many of the brightest lights of what both Snow and Leavis would call the
mainstream of our general, or humanistic, culture. Then what was Snow trying to
get his country's educational system to do, the impossible? There is much
evidence to argue so, in the history of public and higher education in both
England and America, during the more than thirty years that have passed since
the publication of The Two Cultures. It is discouraging evidence; there
is reason, observational, experimental reason, to be pessimistic about the
possibility of accomplishing the union of the two cultures.
Scientific Popularization
For during these
thirty-odd years Snow's influence has made a real difference in the way science
is regarded by educated people, but without affecting their actual knowledge of
it. All that has happened is that humanists, historians and artists have been
made to feel ashamed of their ignorance of physics and mathematics, where in
earlier years they wouldn't have cared. To this extent Leavis has lost his
argument and Snow has won, but winning an argument is not the same as
accomplishing a reform. Books of scientific popularization have earned front
page reviews in The New York Review of Books, the New York Times Book
Review, and their counterparts in England; and many a professor of
linguistics or classics has had a copy of Godel, Escher, Bach at his
bedside, and Innumeracy, and A Brief History of Time, and Chaos.
But to what end? Hofstadter's Godel, Escher, Bach (1979) was a
noble effort to teach Godel's Theorem to the literate non-mathematician, but
the average bookmark at the average humanist's bedside got to page 46 after a
couple of weeks and then stopped dead. The book sold well but the message didn't
take. Much the same was true of even so modest an effort as Paulos's Innumeracy
in 1988. One has only to poll the nearest Department of Foreign and
Comparative Literature, asking for a proof of any of the well-known birthday
bet: that it is more probable than not that, of twenty-three or more random
people, at least two will have the same birthday. As with Snow's asking about
the Second Law of Thermodynamics in 1958, one will not, most likely, get a
correct argument from anyone but a professional (or student) scientist.
It is too late now to test
scientific illiteracy by asking around for an explanation of the Second Law of
Thermodynamics, for Snow's book had newspaper reporters doing that very thing
back in 1959, and by now every humanist has been shamed into the knowledge that
it seems to say that heat tends to move from warmer to cooler regions. A second
statement of elucidation, an explanation of why so obvious an observation
should be called a scientific profundity, will not be forthcoming however,
beyond perhaps the widely publicized deduction from all this of "the
heat-death of the universe." Widely publicized in 1960, at least; by today
it may have been forgotten in most English department common-rooms. Even so,
answers of this meagre depth of understanding can be memorized in a minute or
two, and are as probing as if, owing to an essay by some humanist counterpart
to Snow, every physicist, not having known it previously, now could answer,
"Othello? Shakespeare, of course; he also wrote 'To be or not to
be'."
Such an answer from a
scientist who could neither recite four lines of Hamlet together nor explain
what made Shakespeare great, because he hadn't actually read him, would not
indicate a successful effort had been made to induce in him or his fellows an
appreciation of poetry. (The average scientist is not this bad off, however.)
Perhaps it is too much to ask, that statesmen and professors of literature
learn probability theory and thermodynamics; perhaps these thirty-five years
since Sputnik and C. P. Snow are only the beginning, and it is to the next
generation that the message is addressed and for whom it will prove successful.
Maybe it is at least something, that the parents have been made ashamed of not
understanding physics, and have gone through the effort, fruitless as it turned
out, of reading 45.5 pages of Godel, Escher, Bach. Perhaps now the
children will sneak that book out of the bedside table, as their parents took Ulysses
from a locked bookcase somewhere, to read by flashlight under the covers. Some
will; some always do. But if we look to the public schools for help we had
better look again. Consider the so-called "new math."
The New Math
Even before C. P. Snow, the
1957 launching of the Soviet Sputnik had sent a shiver through America, and the
race was on to "catch up with the Russians." Through various Federal
agencies, notably the National Science Foundation, money was funneled to any
project that promised to improve American science education, at all levels from
kindergarten to graduate school and beyond. The mathematicians of the United
States created a project called the School Mathematics Study Group
(SMSG) to construct a mathematics curriculum from kindergarten through 12th
grade, independent of any textbook publisher, school board, school- teachers'
association, or anyone else with a vested interest in the then current schools
establishment. Most of the authors were good mathematicians from the universities.
Edward Begle, a topologist at Yale University, left his position and took up
the directorship of the SMSG project as a full-time occupation for the fourteen
years of its life, and was a professor of mathematics education for the rest of
his own career. Other mathematicians, some of them quite distinguished, served
summers or part-time as writers of textbooks, teachers of experimental classes,
and as teachers of schoolteachers already in service, teachers who needed to
learn the new approaches and how to convey them to children.
There was nothing
impractical about all this. Everyone involved knew what it means for children
to learn, to understand mathematics, not as a catechism or examination-passing
technique but as a living framework of ideas expressed in English, logically
organized to yield computations when asked for, or proofs of theorems of real
meaning. That is, they appreciated what mathematics should be to a child if it
is to be useful for structuring real science, for verifying scientific reasoning,
for modeling real phenomena.They not
only knew mathematics, these writers and teachers, they learned to know
children. (Even the initial group was not entirely made up of research
mathematicians, but included a leavening of experienced schoolteachers.) By
testing themselves at length in actual classrooms with children of every degree
of ability and incentive, they learned what sort of teaching would work and
what sort was visionary and would lose the attention of the class. Little by
little, over its fourteen years, the SMSG constructed a set of exemplary
textbooks and curriculum guides, guides for the instruction of teachers; and
they compiled statistics on the progress of the children who studied with them
as against those who used traditional materials. All this was well financed and
meticulous, and if it had succeeded it could have revolutionized the teaching
of mathematics in the United States. It would have created a new generation to
whom the statistical truths of thermodynamics would have been as accessible in
an early college chemistry course as a novel of Ernest Hemingway might be in an
early college English course.
The SMSG saw no reason why
children should be able to learn the subtleties of English poetry and yet be
immune to the corresponding thing in mathematics. But there was a reason,
probably more than one, a reason SMSG did not see but which had to have been
there, for the experiment was a failure. "The new math" became a
laughingstock, derided by everyone from the newspapers to Tom Lehrer. It became
a staple of American culture in the 1960s and 1970s that a child brought up in
"the new math" could neither reason nor calculate. In a few years
parents were demanding that their children be taught again to add a column of
figures -- and the Devil take the distributive law and the Venn diagram. The
kind of coverage mathematics education was now getting in the newspapers
persuaded the general public that the mathematics profession was staffed by
fools who had never seen a real live child, and who didn't care if a bank
statement actually added up properly so long as the children "understood
what they were doing."
Why did this happen? For
one thing, the phrase "the new math" was not invented by
mathematicians, let alone the SMSG. It was a schoolteacher's phrase, designed
to advertise something phony that was happening in the public schools under
cover of SMSG and other experiments of the same nature.Apart from the few exemplary classroom
experiments actually conducted by SMSG professors and specially selected
teachers trained by SMSG, the rest of the country, giving lip-service to the
same ideals, destroyed the traditional school mathematics curriculum and
replaced it with commercial textbooks designed to resemble the SMSG material
without actually coming to grips with it. The fundamental problem was that the
existing cadre of schoolteachers feared mathematics as much as their students,
who, under such instruction, were inevitably growing to resemble their
instructors. For years they had been trained in certain routine algorithms,
schemata -- templates -- for multiplying and dividing, figuring out the length
of the hypotenuse and the area of the circle. They were comfortable with all
this and knew the answers.But these
"answers" are not mathematics.
SMSG pleaded with the
publishing world to plagiarize SMSG books, but the publishers found that real
books of that nature were not understood by the school textbook selection
committees, were feared by the major part of the educational bureaucracy in the
departments of education of the states, and by the professors in their teachers
colleges,andso were not selling. Most teachers and their supervisors wanted
only what they already knew, and the only way they could be comfortable with
something new was when it was trivialized.
A trivial simulacrum of set theory, for example, found its way into the
textbooks and classrooms, was called "set theory," to be sure, but
was in fact nothing at all. And the time devoted to silly exercises in Venn
diagrams was taken from the (admittedly dull) exercises in adding columns of
figures that the earlier books had contained. So it went, through the
curriculum, with even the beautiful structures of Euclidean geometry
("old-fashioned" now, like Plato and Shakespeare) removed from the
spiritual equipment of the average educated person, in favor of a patina of
modernism.
Acceleration: A Faster Treadmill
Begle himself, before his
untimely death, conceded the failure of SMSG. But he would never have agreed
with the newspaper account of what SMSG was and did. And he conceded too much,
in fact. There was one unintended benefit of the bowdlerized "modern"
mathematics that the schools were choosing over the previous tradition. The
removal of years' worth of dull routines, of algorithms for the extraction of
square roots and interpolations in logarithm tables, though replaced with a
pabulum for the masses, did give superior students a chance to leap ahead and
accomplish "12th grade" mathematics two or three years early. This
took place at some cost, compared with what had actually been taught such
people a generation earlier, but it yielded some benefit, an acceleration, for
those who would then become scientists when they went on to college. These
lucky few might some day learn Euclid too, though on their own. This leap into
calculus for the few was not really what Begle sought, however; and no part at
all of what C. P. Snow was advocating.
Today's humanist has been spared meaningless high school exercises in
the use of logarithm tables, to be sure, but he has also been
"spared" Euclid. He is usually worse off than his predecessor
generation, for he will never again see Euclid or his like, while the scientist
does in fact see other axiomatic systems, if not precisely Euclid's, with
equivalent spiritual benefit.
It must not be thought
that all high school students who are "accelerated" in mathematics,
even those who become engineers or scientists, have actually thereby received a
benefit. Every college mathematics teacher experiences every year the plague of
high school calculus suffered by students who have been told they know
something they do not, and who are puzzled and ultimately angry when their
acceleration proves to have been nothing at all. The ritual of mathematical
rote is not confined to fourth grade exercises; even calculus can be turned
into a catechism, and alas, in most cases it is. In fact, most high school students who show early promise, and
are therefore moved along ahead of the rest, end up with as stultifying an
experience under the honorific title of "advanced placement"
mathematics as they would have received under any older rubric,
"trigonometry," perhaps, or "logarithms."
It is as if they had
learned music by being taught, note for note, over a two year period, how to
play Fur Elise, without learning anything at all about scales,
arpeggios, rhythms or modulations. Painless Beethoven, Advanced Placement
Beethoven; but what comes next? The student now wants to play Opus 110, but
insists on being told, note by note, where to place his fingers. It is his
right; why are his college teachers now "making it hard," talking
about chord sequences instead? Why do they refuse to teach him the Beethoven he
needs? He soon gives up, and so do most of our eighteen year olds who are
crippled by high school calculus. Yes, most of them. Others, a minority of the
elite (and an infinitesimal minority of the general population), survive. These
are the ones who become our scientists, and would have done so under any system
that gave them the chance to read a few books and go to a college whose
professors know something. Would better teaching in the schools have brought
any of the others into the fold of the scientifically educated, as C. P. Snow
would have wanted? Academic mathematicians believe so, and experiment showed it
is possible for at least some people who today are lost to scientific
understanding; but where is that better teaching to be found?
Professor Begle and the
SMSG had done their best, with a national will behind them, but were stymied by
the bootstrap problem. First, the
teachers must themselves be taught, and by whom? A handful of research
mathematicians? Too few. A double handful of "master teachers,"
themselves to be have been taught by the handful of mathematicians? Wherever
the SMSG began, it was not far enough back. Thus, even if learning science and
mathematics is possible to everyone, possible in some biological sense, it
doesn't follow that it is possible in any foreseeable future, beginning with a
civilization which is today essentially unchanged from the one Begle faced in
1957. And granting even this much,
there is no proof that it is even in principle possible to all intelligent
people. As music is impossible to the tone-deaf, as painting is impossible to
the color-blind, without tone-deafness or color-blindness being a definition of
stupidity, so perhaps mathematics and its use in science is impossible to
another class of people, not yet named in our language, people to whom Snow's message
is futile, but who constitute our majority. If this is so, any future SMSG is
doomed not only by the existing culture, but by the very nature of man.
But we do not know this, or not yet.
Part 2, A Restatement of the Problem
C. P. Snow Again; and F.R. Leavis
There are those who can
correctly identify the line, "Wherefore art thou Romeo?" as coming
from the play Romeo and Juliet, by William Shakespeare, and who
therefore score a point on a multiple-choice "achievement test." Such
a person might also know that the words are spoken by Juliet from a balcony
outside her bedroom at night; he thereby scores an extra point in the
"accelerated literature" examination. But it is possible to know all
this and yet believe that "wherefore" means "where," that a
comma follows "thou," and that Juliet is calling into the night in
longing, saying what in modern English would be, "Where are you,
Romeo?" This misunderstanding is in fact common. And those who for this
reason miss the import of Juliet's opening lines are the same as those likely
to show ignorance of as many other features of Elizabethan diction (and
cultural predispositions) as will render them unable to understand anything
said by Mercutio or the nurse as well.
We hope our own children
will be better served by their schools than that. But why? Is it really
essential that Shakespearean English be understood by every educated person?
There are hundreds of languages in the world, and Shakespearean English is but
a dialect of one of them. There are
Russians and Brazilians who will never learn it, and whom we may yet call
educated. The Russian may have to read his Shakespeare in translation, and the
marvelous cadence of "...a rose / by any other name would smell as
sweet" will unfortunately never reach his soul quite as it does ours; but
is he therefore crippled intellectually or spiritually? The poetry may be
missing, but the essential tragedy of the star-crossed lovers can still be
understood in translation; and if he puts into the study of Pushkin the energy
the English-speaking world applies to Shakespeare, he will have poetry enough
to understand the nature of the art, and insight enough to imagine, from the
outside as it were, how Shakespeare must sound to those who know English.
The lesson that Shakespeare offers can therefore be pieced
together by one who does not experience Shakespeare directly, partly from one
analogue (Pushkin, a poet), partly from another (Shakespeare himself in
translation), and doubtless also from a multitude of other "shadows"
of Shakespeare, such as references to him in literature, music and oratory. As
one may recover the impression of a three-dimensional object from having seen
enough two-dimensional photographs of it, from sufficiently many points of
view, so may these views of Shakespeare converge towards the experience itself.
They will certainly converge to a better view of Shakespeare than is given to
the student, taught by ignorant teachers, who appears to have been taught the
real thing, who thinks he is learning, who is praised by his examiners for
correct identifications on a multiple-choice examination, but who mentally
places a comma after Juliet's "thou."
A small thing, that. A
comma, a misconstrued word. Teach him what "wherefore" means, you
say; is that so hard? But that is an answer to an infinitesimal part of a mere
illustration in what is only an imperfect analogy to the learning of science.
For one who already knows modern English the glossary of Shakespeare does not
offer an insoluble problem, true; but whether or not "wherefore" is
in actuality widely understood or easily learned is not the point. Let us
suppose that the ignorance of such words is symptomatic of a profound
misunderstanding of the whole. Suppose further that it were demonstrable by
logic, or known by bitter experience, that a more or less competent
understanding of Shakespeare, his language and his meaning and his place in the
history of our literature, our theater, our total sensibility -- suppose all
this were impossible of attainment by the vast majority of our high school
students? And that their parents, the newspapers, and F. R. Leavis all want
them to have an education in Shakespeare? Which would we prefer to accept for
them, which would we urge their parents to accept for them, an education in
Shakespeare that leaves its students idiotically mouthing a few of his lines
with no idea of their meaning, or an education by analogy, as the Russian might
acquire it by translation, explanation, history, reference and the like?
This education in
Shakespeare by means of two-dimensional projections will not of itself show the
student all of what it is that makes Shakespeare the genius who shakes us to
our roots, but if it contains anything at all that is genuine, it must not be
scorned. What is not genuine is the analogue of the finger placement in Fur
Elise; what is not genuine is teaching a Sunday Supplement "Test Your
Knowledge of Shakespeare" in twenty questions: Balcony Scene? (answer [a]:
Romeo & Juliet.) Ophelia? (answer [c]: Hamlet's girlfriend.) We are all of
us condemned to understand most things in (at best) the two dimensional way, if
only because of lack of time in a finite life.
Shakespeare is an extreme example, but is Homer any less so? And which
of us reads enough Greek to know Homer? Or Plato? There was a time when every
future English Prime Minister was taught Caesar and Cicero at least, whatever
he studied in University; how does it stand now? For a full understanding, to
the degree mankind does in fact understand it, of the balance of payments, of
the effects of proportional representation on the assessment of the public
will, of the emission of nitrates from factory chimneys, of the probability of
death from a new vaccine -- in other words, for an understanding of what a
Prime Minister should understand today -- there is no longer time for gerund
and gerundive, the Appollonian theory of conic sections, Milton, Spenser and
Shakespeare, Rousseau and Adam Smith, Aristotle, Maimonides and St. Thomas.
A more modern economics,
politics and technology are essential to his mental equipment; these things are
not. Every professor regrets this fact, if he recognizes it at all. The
professor of Plato tells us that it is impossible to understand Plato in translation.
All philosophy of the past two thousand years and more has been but a series of
footnotes on Plato, he explains, and yet he sees that today's so-called
educated man cannot begin at the source, but must make do with the footnotes.
Some of the footnotes. Having spent twenty-five years reading Plato and his
circle, and steeping himself in the culture of that time, with excursions as
necessary into the literature or history of the neighboring Hebrews and
Egyptians, he finally sees, at age forty-five, what Plato really was saying,
and it seems to him that a citizen without this knowledge is like a one-armed
violinist. A Prime Minister without this knowledge is, as he sees it, the blind
leading the blind. That would be true, were it true that the only way to
understand the lesson of Plato is to understand his inmost language: what Plato
said, what he thought he was saying, and what he intended to say. But this is a
lifetime's work, as the Professor of Greek well knows, and can be accomplished
by only a handful of people -- if that; for who knows but what that handful is
deceiving itself?
The scornful economist
denies that so intimate a knowledge of Plato is needed by anyone, Prime
Ministers included. He regrets that his Prime Minister is ignorant of calculus
and linear algebra, and therefore of the correct interpretation of the simple
graphs that decorate his recent book on international trade. No amount of
understanding of Plato will reverse or compensate for this blindness, as may be
seen from the idiocy of the subsidy bill the Prime Minister has just put before
Parliament, thinking it will accomplish what in fact it cannot. So it goes, and
there is something in what they are saying. Could God grant us a Prime Minister
-- and Parliament, too -- who all, having lived a hundred lifetimes each before
taking office, have studied Greek, Latin, Sanskrit, economics, chemistry,
Shakespeare, psychiatry and all the rest, as much as the professional scholar
in each of these separate studies has done, all with intelligence and good will
such as few of those scholars are blessed with by nature, then we would be
ruled by Solomons; but who would build our airplanes, cook our food, enforce
our contracts and perform our plays? If we accept the view that anything less
than a professional scholar's understanding of Plato, chemistry, or
international trade cripples our ability to deal with the world around us, or
robs us of the joy we could otherwise take in understanding the nature of that
world, then the problem of education is hopeless. None of us has the necessary
hundred lifetimes, the strength or the goodwill, not even those of us who would
be Prime Minister. The members of what C. P. Snow called the literary world
have already devoted their lives to literature, with doubtless some history or
other humanistic study along the way, in some cases Plato and in others
Chaucer; while yet others, less learned, take the time to write novels or
poetry themselves. Snow did not even
ask that they learn economics or political philosophy; instead, he concentrated
on physics, a study notoriously mathematical and difficult, and as remote from
literature as it is possible to get. Why? Was he merely being parochial, like
the earlier-mentioned hypothetical professor of Plato, narrowly construing his
own particular study as the key to the universe while all other studies are
not? In particular, was Snow merely the mirror-image of F. R. Leavis, shouting
from his own side of the Combination Room, "There is only one culture
agreed -- but it is mine"?
The Second
Law of Thermodynamics
No, C. P. Snow had another
point. He was not disputing Leavis's notion that love and death,
responsibility, honor and the like were the things that truly engage a
civilized man. His own novels might not have come up to Leavis's standards of
literature, but they were in fact not novels about molecules and nuclear
interactions. They were, actually, about honor, truth, and love. He wanted
civilized men to be equipped to understand his novels, among other things, of
course, but even for this purpose he believed that an education of the sort
Leavis would approve, of the sort that Leavis himself had, was not sufficient.
He didn't say this in his The Two Cultures, where he spoke more of
politics and making the right decisions of state than he spoke of the qualities
of character Leavis took as the first requisite of civilization; but it came to
the same thing. He simply believed that an education without science was
insufficient, not only to make decisions involving scientific judgment, but
even to make decisions, or behave honorably, in contexts more strictly humane.
In particular, he called the literary-culture intellectuals "natural
Luddites," and he emphasized the practical, even the humane, failings of
their narrow faith. To Snow, the Second Law of Thermodynamics was a lesson
needed by everyone, the historian and the novelist no less than the
physicist.
Now honor, duty and death
have already been studied by Homer, and by him described and dissected to a
degree that still commands the admiration of the world; and in Homer's time
there was no Second Law of Thermodynamics for him to learn. F. R. Leavis would
say that Homer was supreme, not deficient, in his understanding of the nature
of man and his world, and would deduce that the Second Law is irrelevant to
such understanding, along with all the works of C. P. Snow as well. Snow disagreed. Snow, optimistic as most
scientists have always been, believed there to be more in the modern
world than there had been in the ancient, and he believed that the equipment of
the modern intellect does have to be more ample than Homer's, genius though
Homer was, to match that added complexity. Snow believed that grave and
dangerous error lies in wait for one who lives only by -- even the highest --
wisdom of another age.
One looks in vain at
Snow's essay, however, to find out just what it is about the Second Law of
Thermodynamics that puts us a step ahead of Homer, other things being equal, in
our understanding of what Leavis and Snow both agreed "really
matter." He was vague. He said that the physicists he associated with
during the day, "had the future in their bones," that they saw things
hidden to the literary folk he saw at cocktail time, and that these things were
essential to civilized life. That's about all. Leavis more than once, and with
heavy scorn, quoted the line about "the future in their bones" as
evidence of Snow's poverty of poetic imagination, and the silliness of his
argument. (It is a weak line, to be sure.)
But if Snow was but an indifferent poet it doesn't follow that he did
not understand the nature of literature and the liberal arts, not to mention
twentieth century physics, well enough to avoid a biased judgment. In this he
was better off than Leavis, who understood nothing at all of physics. Snow must
have meant something, something more than the mere observation that scientists
and humanists had little to say to one another, something more than the
observation that playwrights seldom fathomed statistical mechanics, and wasn't
that a pity, statistical mechanics having so beautiful a structure? It might be worthwhile here to say a few
words about this famous Law.
The Second Law of
Thermodynamics was formulated in the nineteenth century in various guises, not
all of them initially recognized as equivalent. All of its statements may be
regarded as statements of the limitations nature places on the ability of heat
to do work. The First Law of Thermodynamics is the statement of the
conservation of energy, whose earliest forms came from mechanics, but which in
thermodynamics said (among other things) that there was a fixed equivalence
between the quantity of work done against friction and the amount of heat
generated in the course of that activity. If heat and work are equivalent, it
would appear that a reverse process is possible, that a gas (a steam-filled
container, for example) could be made to give up its heat in a suitable engine
and thereby perform the equivalent amount of work. Indeed, the steam engine does
trade heat for work again, but the steam cannot be made to give up all
its heat in favor of an equivalent amount of work; and this is where the Second
Law appears: It gives a precise statement of the limitation, in mathematical
terms.
Later in the century was
elucidated the theory of statistical mechanics, which equated heat with the
kinetic energy of random molecular motion within the material containing the
heat. From this arose other formulations of the Second Law, expressed in terms
of statistical distributions of velocities among these extremely hypothetical,
necessarily invisible, molecules. All these forms of the Second Law recognize
the experimental fact that heat tends to flow from a warmer body to the cooler,
when the two bodies are juxtaposed, and that the entire observed system has a
tendency to approach an equilibrium temperature, after which the flow of heat
between the visible parts of that system ceases and no more work is available
from it.
(In the twentieth century
both the first and second laws have undergone enormous extension, all of them
mathematically expressed. The
mathematical expression of the second law as it relates to the statistical
interpretation of heat as molecular motion has given rise to the interpretation
of yet other phenomena, quite unrelated to transfer of heat, in
"thermodynamic" terms, for example in problems concerning the
transmission of information. This is an example of an important feature of the
mathematization of science, that if a mathematical structure describes one
physical situation, and the same mathematical structure can model another, then
experience in the one domain, when mathematically expressed, illuminates the
behavior of the other.)
It is possible to say,
simply enough, that heat flows from warm to (adjacent) cool places, and to call
that the Second Law, because upon that simple principle (plus conservation of
energy, the First Law) was built the theory of heat engines and their
efficiency and all that follows thereafter. But everyone already knew, long
before Carnot or Maxwell, that heat flows from warm to cold. Aristotle knew it,
but certainly had no reason to emphasize it in his physics. Nothing profound in
Aristotle's philosophy depended on it. What makes the Second Law profound today
is the mathematically expressed theory that is built upon it, not the simple
statement itself. Almost the same is true of Newton's laws of motion,
especially the one that says that momentum changes according to the impressed
force. A very few words are needed to make this statement, but of course one
must know what momentum and force are, and the regress grows very long, if not
infinite, before one is satisfied. Einstein never could be satisfied, in fact,
and so was driven to discover, or invent, relativity. In the other direction,
one must know what Newton accomplished with his principle of force and
momentum, to fully understand its profundity. He proved mathematically, upon
this principle coupled with the inverse square law of gravitation, that the
planets were constrained to follow exactly the paths they are seen to follow,
i.e., that Kepler's observed laws of elliptical planetary motion were no
accident, but a necessary, computable, consequence of the law of gravity.
A Scientific Question
Now if one prints a
"pop quiz" on all this in the Sunday papers -- and the papers never
tire of doing this -- today's high school senior may score well by memorizing
something like the five or six paragraphs immediately preceding this one. They
might contain wonderful words: thermodynamics, entropy, statistical mechanics,
conservation. They might contain sparkling names: Aristotle, Newton, Maxwell,
Clausius, Kepler. But they don't really contain any scientific information.
They summarize a long, profound and difficult development in the history of
science, but they teach no science at all. Memorizing the summary does no more
for the understanding than knowing that "The Renaissance put an end to the
Middle Ages." It is true, more or less, in a sense and up to a point,
providing you know what pitfalls lie behind the words; but even a thousand such
statements, without the study of real history, will not add up to an iota of
understanding. Those people who already understand what it says don't need to
be told, and those people who do not understand what it says are often deluded
into believing that what it says is knowledge.
Here is a sample from a
quiz printed in the New York Times Magazine of Sunday, 13 January, 1991,
p.24: "Question 2. An atom differs from a molecule because: a. Molecules
are made of atoms; b. Atoms are made of molecules; c. Gas is made of molecules,
but solids are made of atoms; d. Atoms and molecules are two words for the same
thing... Question 6. Galaxies, like our Milky Way, are made of: a. Hundreds and
hundreds of stars; b. Thousands and thousands of stars; c. Millions...; d. Billions... Question 8.
The most abundant gas in our atmosphere is: a. Oxygen; b. Carbon dioxide; c.
Nitrogen; d. Smog."
No; it won't do. And yet,
alas, it represents not only what the conventions of today's journalism calls
science, but it represents what sort of thing the non-scientist usually has
learned in school, and has been taught to call science, believing that the
difference between his understanding and that of a professional scientist lies
in how many such statements they each know, and with how many decimal places of
accuracy. To see that this popular impression of the nature of science is
mistaken, one need not go very deep; we can replace any pop quiz with a single
question, given below as an example, a question that a good scientist can
answer (though it might take more than a few sentences) and that today's
non-scientist probably can not. Not only will the average man not be able to
answer this question; he cannot even outline the form an "answer"
should take. He is not used to
questions of this sort, where a scientist is used to little else. Here it is:
"How do we know atoms and molecules exist?"
There are somewhat more difficult
questions than this, for example, "What difference does it make, to know
that atoms exist?" (The two
questions are equivalent, actually, according to the philosophic stance taken
by scientists today, which is that the "existence" of a scientific
entity is instrumental only, and not ideal in the sense of Plato; but this is
by the way.) This question, "How do we know that atoms exist?" is
never asked by newspaper reporters, partly because the answer is necessarily
long, even when given in summary, and partly because most journalists - - and
schoolteachers, and television evangelists, and statesmen, too -- don't
recognize it as a scientific question. Yet it is, and it is more telling an
example than the one C. P. Snow asked about thermodynamics.For the real difference between the Two
Cultures inheres not in whether or not one construes Shakespearean English
properly or knows "many cheerful facts about the square of the
hypotenuse," nor yet in whether one's bones contain the future. The difference
is finally to be found in the philosophical furniture of the mind, not in its
precise list of bits of information.
That difference in the
"philosophical furniture of the mind" is possibly one that can be
bridged, even if it is hopeless to expect the Plato scholar (or F. R. Leavis)
to understand the mathematics and experimental evidence of statistical
mechanics, or to expect C. P. Snow to write like Joseph Conrad. It can be bridged by an education that is
quite manageable in principle, though probably its implementation would today
run into most of the same difficulties as were experienced by the School
Mathematics Study Group. That is, it would be a bootstrap operation for the
present generation, even in rich and technologically advanced countries like ours. Just the same, SMSG was an ideal that will
not die, and that may some day, little by little, be realized. In science too
it may be worthwhile outlining a program of this sort, in hopes that the time
will some day be right for it. It may be that this day will come sooner for
science than for mathematics.
Part 3, A Solution of a Sort
Evolution and Creation
The controversy attached
to the name and teachings of Charles Darwin is still alive today, though it has
shifted its domain from the community of scientists and theologians to the
community of parent- teacher associations. The controversy is not in the first
instance scientific, it is a actually a problem in public policy: shall we use
this book or shall we use that book, in the fifth grade curriculum in natural
science? There are those who see a choice: on the one hand a Godless curriculum
that destroys the moral fiber of our children by telling them the universe is
random and without plan, and on the other hand a celebration of the wisdom of
the Creator, as it is made manifest in the marvels of His handiwork. The facts, say the Creationists, are not in
dispute here. The children would see the same physiological mechanisms through
the microscope under the one plan as the other, and learn the names of the
plants and animals, and of their organs, and learn their habitats and their
behavior and diseases, exactly the way it is. All that would be changed is a
theory, which makes no difference to the observed scientific facts we want our
children to absorb, and which cannot be proved anyhow.
Perhaps the existence of
God cannot be "proved" either, they say, since nobody has actually
witnessed the six-day Creation; but there are likewise no witnesses to the
millions of years evolutionists have postulated between us and the dinosaurs,
nor have any of us witnessed monkeys begetting men. Therefore, they say, why is
the Darwinian theory privileged in our schools? Should not the alternative
theories be taught side by side? The
response from the spokesmen for science has been quite disappointing, at least
as the newspapers understand and report it.
Evolution, they say (or are said to say), is as well established as
gravitation, while Creationism, the literal story of Genesis, is just plain
wrong. Fossils are dated millions of
years apart with radiation methods; species give way to related species in
unmistakable sequence in the fossil record; and so on and so on. Science
probably cannot deny Genesis in a symbolic or mythical way, as a metaphor for the
history of the earth; but to say that God created it all in a literal week, the
fossils and the present species alike is, according to the spokesmen for
science, nonsense.
Another sort of response
comes from another direction, from the American Civil Liberties Union. They
argue separation of Church and State, and they bring lawsuits. It is not at all
that Creationism may be wrong, in their view, as that it is illegal -- in the
public schools, anyway. (One suspects,
just the same, that they do think it is wrong.) But legalisms are irrelevant to
the philosophical question, which could be reformulated as, "What shall I
(I, and not another) teach my children about evolution and Genesis?"
This is the question here, while legal problems are not to the point. Now, what
is inadequate in the response from the scientific community is that, albeit for
perhaps valid political purposes, it takes as absolutist a view of the nature
of scientific truth as do the schoolteachers who will in the end be teaching
these things to fifth or tenth graders.
The scientists testifying before a school board or legislature find
themselves forced into an attitude they would never take in their own, in-house
debates concerning a controversial theory, where all sides are heard again and
again as long as there are those ready to offer a proposition that has real
consequences and has not yet been disproved.
They take this stance, which in fact violates scientific norms, because
in the public schools -- and in the legislatures -- there never is such a
debate, nor even a reasonable explanation of the nature of the debating process
in science.
Scientists are asked, as
"experts" are asked in courtrooms, such things as, "Which theory
is true?", "Could the earth be created in six days?", and
"Was Darwin right or wrong?" These are not scientific questions, and
to demand that scientists answer them in this form can only muddy the waters.
Indeed, it does. Public school teachers and their students are typically
assigned an approved textbook that contains the "truth" as it will be
asked for on Regents' multiple-choice questions at the end of the year. Such
subtleties as the status of a theory, its purpose and its sometimes confused
relationship to experience do not get into those examinations, hence not into
the textbook, either. Faced with a choice between a creationist absolutism and
a Darwinian absolutism, and that is the Hobson's choice our schools afford,
scientists will opt for the latter. How much better it would be if the schools
had a chance to teach science, instead of the biological, or physical, or
chemical, or mathematical, catechism that is called by the name of science in
the schools. The problem of "Creationists vs
Evolutionists" would simply evaporate, and all students could be encouraged
to read not only Darwin and his followers, but the five books of Moses, too
(all of it good reading), with no need on anyone's part to lock the bookcase.
And what is more, the problem of The Two Cultures would thereby itself be on
the way to a solution that might command the approval of C. P. Snow and F. R.
Leavis both. To see how these marvels can be accomplished, it is necessary to
digress into a consideration of the nature of science. Not the facts of
thermodynamics or of any other particular theory, whether of chemistry or
biology, but the question of what constitutes scientific understanding itself.
The point of view in the following is associated with the name of Karl Popper,
a recent philosopher of science, but it has roots even in Hipparchus of ancient
Greece and Copernicus of more modern Europe, both of whom put forward a
heliocentric model of the planets for predictive purposes, without insistence
on its philosophic truth. There is good reason to believe that Popper's view
will endure.
Scientific Statements
The crucial property of a
scientific statement is that it can somehow, at least in principle, be tested
against reality. That is to say, it is falsifiable: there is some experience
possible that could show it to be mistaken. Thus if one were to say,
"Life is like a cup of tea," that would not be a scientific
statement, because one cannot imagine an experiment that would satisfy everyone
that life fails to resemble a cup of tea. Examples of scientific statements
come in all degrees of complexity, and the ones that generate controversy are
usually quite intricate, requiring a considerable apprenticeship in the science
in question for their mere understanding; but to begin with let us take as
trivial an example as is still sufficient to illustrate the point. Suppose we
say that light beamed at a reflecting surface leaves that surface at the same
angle it arrived with. "The angle of reflection is equal to the angle of
incidence" is the usual wording of this venerable law of optics. Of course
there are some preliminary hypotheses required, such as the homogeneity of the
medium through which the light is travelling (in air, say), and some
definitions (of "light," "beam," and the like); but for the
present purpose these refinements are inessential. Now the reflection law is a
scientific statement, not because one can prove it, but because there is a way
of trying to disprove it. Mankind has tried many times. It has been tested on a
pool of water, a sheet of glass, a sheet of steel. It has been done with red
light, green light and white light. It has been done with angles of five
degrees, forty degrees and ninety degrees. It has been tried on mountain tops,
under water, and in a vacuum. It has been tried by Greeks, by Chinese, by Jews,
by honest men and by thieves. Until now it has proved accurate every time it
has been done (with materials and light of frequencies possible in 18th Century
laboratories), but did that prove the proposition?
Not at all. X-rays, for
example, don't bounce off ordinary mirrors in this way. Is the law therefore wrong? Not this, either. Experiment has shown this
"law" of optics fails under those particular circumstances, and therefore
must be called false in general, but by the same experiment we know a bit more
about what part of the law is actually true.
Or appears to be true, so far. In other words, so long as there remains
the possibility that some experiment can deny the statement, then that
statement can be called scientific. A statement may be called scientific even
when it is practically always false, as for example the statement that the
angle of reflection equals twice the angle of incidence. This proposition has
already been falsified, and so is of little interest; but it remains a
scientific statement, which the one about life and the cup of tea is not. On
the other hand, while a scientific statement can be proved false, or limited in
its domain of apparent truth, by a single contradictory experiment, it can
never be proved flat-out true. One experiment denying the statement is enough
to reject it, but no number of experiments in its favor will make it certain
that all other experiments, an infinitude of trials not yet performed, will
also favor it.
On this point there is
sometimes some confusion, in that mathematical statements can in fact be
proved; but mathematics is not science, and mathematical statements are not
scientific statements. Mathematics is about numbers, spaces and other
abstractions which are defined by man and have no necessary contact with the
world of experience. That mathematics is so often applied to real science
causes many people to believe that one can "prove" the truth of a
scientific statement by some mathematical device, but this is a mistake. What
mathematical proof does is to show that one set of mathematical words implies
another. It can show how one scientific statement can be converted into another
scientific statement saying the same thing, though it looks different; but only
experiment can falsify either form of that statement. Mathematics can also
prove that, of two different scientific statements suitably related as to
subject, it is impossible that both be true, i.e. that they are not equivalent.
This is a valuable use of mathematics, but it cannot prove a scientific
statement, or even disprove it unless something experimental is also known.
Thus "2 x 3 = 6" is true, but not a scientific statement. It cannot
of itself prove there are six apples on a table, but it can help persuade us
that there are six if there are already known to be three in each of two bowls
on that table. "Life is like a cup of tea," which may or may not be
true (a point few of us would willingly argue), is also not scientific, because
it is untestable. What other sorts of non-scientific statements are worth
mention?
The most important
examples, or perhaps the ones that confuse popular discourse the most often,
are those that sound like science but do not, by scientific standards, say
anything at all. A famous example is from Moliere: Morphine will put a man to
sleep because it has a "dormitive" virtue. A dormitive virtue! What a
beautiful phrase. It seems to mean that morphine contains a property, or
essence, of a sleep-making sort. Now this statement is either a tautology
("Morphine puts you to sleep because it has the property of putting you to
sleep."), or it is vague, and says only that something inside morphine
puts you to sleep. Neither interpretation gives the least clue about how one
could construct an experiment to disprove the statement. There is, actually, a
small scientific ingredient in the Moliere statement, which is the implication
that morphine always puts people to sleep. It is the beginning of science,
after all, to find regularity of behavior, and the fact that this bit of science
is contained in the morphine statement is evidenced by the falsifiability of
that part: If one found a single person not rendered sleepy by morphine one
would have to modify that particular statement. But the main text, the
"because" part, is not scientific, and from the scientific point of
view it says nothing. Moliere and his audience knew this, while the learned
doctors at the Sorbonne (in Moliere's parody of their language and behavior)
did not; that's what was so funny. Once one learns what constitutes scientific
meaning, one can judge other forms of discourse better than if this idea were
not plain.There are many statements
that contain no meaning from a scientific point of view but which still might
have validity and importance of some other sort. "2 x 3 = 6" is
certainly a venerable example, and statements of particular fact, like "J.
S. Bach died in 1750," and "The current in this circuit, as measured
by this meter, is now 1.78 amperes," are others.Some poetic conceits are hard to analyze from a scientific point
of view (Try "Truth is beauty, beauty truth") but yet have a poetic
validity for the impression they make, the flavor they impart to nearby
sentences and to the experience of life generally. Others, like the dormitive
virtue of morphine, are of course laughable. It is educational to distinguish
all these statements, the true, the valuable, the false and the vacuous, from
scientific statements, which might or might not be true or valuable, but simply
cannot be vacuous and scientific at the same time. And -- more than educational
-- it is essential to recognize that a scientific statement always could be
wrong. Always: without the experimental possibility of its being wrong
it cannot be scientific.
Science and Hypothesis
Somehow the popular
understanding has got this message turned exactly around, and in the schools
children are taught that the valuable things to be learned are those we can be
certain of beyond the possibility of disproof: "the facts" so beloved
of Mr. Gradgrind and Sergeant Friday.
There is a reason for this attitude, for the facts are not contemptible,
and we all begin our education with them. Some, like particular laboratory
observations, bear on science, while others, like the rules of prosody, do not.
Each of us knows, and must know, millions of such things, but these are not
wisdom; these are mere facts. Science, too, like a child's education, must
begin with facts and then move on to simple generalization: the density of
copper, the phases of the moon. But as
civilization has developed, it has moved from raw data and primitive
observation to form hypotheses and theories that connect these facts to one
another and, we hope, to predictions of what will also turn out to be facts in
the future. These structures, these theories, are the real science, while the
facts, though indispensable, are only its raw material. As words are to poetry, so are facts to
science. A book of words may be a dictionary, and valuable too, but it is not a
poem. One can wittily say that the dictionary contains Paradise Lost, as
a newly quarried rock contains a Piéta; but it is clear that there is a
necessary human imposition of structure involved, and that the art is in the
structure, not the material.
One failing of science education
in the schools, however, is that theories too are taught as if they were raw
facts. Having learned that copper has density 8.92, something easily understood
and in fact directly (if not so easily) measurable, the child next learns that
it is made up of atoms, each of which has a nucleus surrounded by 29 electrons.
Wow!There is a vast difference in the
status of these two "facts" about copper, and a vast tragedy when
they are taught as if their status were the same, and asked about on Regents'
Examinations as if they were understandable in the same way.Yet they often are taught as if they had the
same standing. A front page feature article in the Rochester Democrat &
Chronicle for November 2, 1991 is headlined, "Franklin teacher uses
creative touch to help chemistry sink in," and explains,
Dorway [the teacher]
conducts a question-and-answer session with students about the notes they've
just read. 'Pepper, how do electrons arrange themselves around atoms?' Dorway
asks Pepper-Marie Russell, a 16-year old junior. 'Shells,' Pepper says,
answering correctly.
By the newspaper's lights,
this was an example of superior science education, much more modern, much
deeper, than learning about the density of copper. Both are science, to be
sure, and the falsifiability of the proposed 8.92 density of copper is patent.
Let the student try; it will do him good. He might learn more than at first
appears, for he will have to satisfy himself at the outset, among other things,
that what he has before him is indeed copper; this alone is no small task. But
the falsifiability of the 29 electron hypothesis is of another order entirely.
We more or less know what copper is, though persuading someone of the purity of
a sample raises a good number of non-trivial problems, among them the
definition of purity. But electrons? They not only have not been seen, they
cannot be seen; even the atoms that carry them are postulated entities,
invisible, imponderable, and much more problematic than the notion of
"copper." One cannot begin to test the 29 electron assertion until
one understands what it says; and what it says depends on some pretty subtle
hypotheses on the nature of matter to begin with.
One such hypothesis is the
existence of atoms as the smallest units of copper (for example) that can
reasonable be called copper. An atomic hypothesis of a sort was given by
Lucretius two thousand years ago, but though some of his formulations have a
startlingly modern sound they turn out to have no real scientific content.
Today's atoms are more complicated and more valuable. They are testable. Here
are a few of the postulated properties of atoms: The atoms of a given substance
all have the same weight, and indeed are identical in every way, but the atoms
of different substances have different weights. Atoms of a given element are
each fitted with a fixed number of hooks ("valences"), by which they
combine with atoms of other elements in only a certain few combinations, hook
against hook, forming "molecules" which are the minimal amounts of
the resulting combined substance. Two gases of different kinds, but of the same
volume and at the same pressure and temperature contain the same number of
molecules. A molecule of water is composed of two hydrogen atoms combined with
one of oxygen. (These are sketchy simplifications of some parts of the atomic
theory of Nineteenth Century chemistry, for illustrative purpose only, and each
statement has since been substantially modified, but even as quoted here they
are scientific statements.)
With a picture of elements
divisible into atoms of this sort, all of it quite invisible and purely
conceptual, one can compile a multitude of observations consistent with the
picture and no observations (not yet!) that conflict with it. The same is true
of the Lucretius model, too, the difference being that it is inconceivable that
there could be an observation inconsistent with Lucretius's picture. One might
ask, then, whether Lucretius's picture isn't therefore superior to that of
Dalton and the others whose researches culminated in the modern notion of
atom.Lucretius had the better poetry,
according to those versed in Latin, and it can't be faulted by embarrassing
observations; what more can one ask? The value of the scientific picture is not
in its poetry, which it may not have, nor in its certainty, which it cannot
have, but in its consequences, which it must have if it is to be called
scientific. To know that it can in principle be falsified, but to believe that
in the event it will not, is exactly to say that certain other things in
nature, some of them not yet seen, must take place. Their failure to take place
would be the falsification we believe will not occur. The Dalton atomic model,
if accepted as true, limits the other possibilities in nature, excluding those
which would falsify it; and this limitation is the same as prediction of what
must follow from his hypotheses. A "theory" that is consistent with
every result, that puts no limitations on what God can do, can tell us nothing
about the probable future, about what to expect under certain experimental
conditions.
Having understood atoms as
they were developed in the 19th Century, one can go on to neighboring
phenomena, both chemical and physical, for a further understanding of atoms.
The chemistry of that era, and since, did in fact uncover subtle
inconsistencies with the simple picture of atoms (of a given element) all
having a single weight and a single number of hooks; and the atomic model did
indeed have to be modified again and again. One would never see why electrons
had to be invented to complicate the earlier picture, for example, without
knowing about those other theory-denying or theory-eluding observations, one of
the most important of which was the positions of the spectral lines in light from
a burning material, on earth and in the sun, and another of which was the
discovery of radioactivity and its curious properties. Until he understands a
good part of all this it is perfectly meaningless to tell a high school student
that an atom of copper has 29 electrons. It is meaningless because there is no
experiment within his power to imagine that would test the statement. To put it
another way, he is made to believe, by being told that copper has 29 electrons,
that he knows something Lavoisier (and Lucretius) did not; but can we imagine
his then going to a reincarnated Lavoisier avid for news of discoveries that
had taken place after his death, and telling him such nonsense?What could Lavoisier learn from such a
statement that would clear up a single problem he was pondering in the shadow
of the Guillotine?
The statement that copper
has 29 electrons depends for its very meaning on the answer to the accompanying
question, "How do we know copper has 29 electrons?" In this question,
"know" must be taken with a grain of salt; it serves as abbreviation,
without which the question must be put this way: What are the experiments that
are consistent with the hypothesis of 29 electrons and inconsistent with any
other number? Even this is too brief, for the very notions of atom and electron
must, for their meaning, be shown consistent with a large number of
experiments, all that anyone has yet been able to imagine, and for which no
better notions have as yet been offered as models.
Science Education in the Public Schools
Unfortunately, this point
of view is very little understood by the teachers of science -- or anything
else -- in the schools, and the resulting ignorance is carried down to
succeeding generations. Science is treated as a list of facts, the theories
themselves having the same standing as raw measurement, and the entire list
apparently known to be true because some authority has said so. (History is
treated much the same, by the way.) There are teachers who know better, of
course, but in the face of the ambient spirit, reinforced by newspapers and
Congressmen, they can make little difference. Part of the reason for the
treatment of science as a list of truths, of facts to be learned in
accumulation, is said to be the complexity of modern science. It is thought
necessary for a future engineer (say) to learn at an early age an enormous
number of such things, mixtures of facts and theories, many of them related in
ways that cannot be understood without some years of college mathematics. Why
wait; he needs it now.
But this is an illusion.
Misunderstanding is never needed, and especially not now. There is, actually, a
primitive level of understanding that can be useful in routine applications and
is still useless as intellectual furniture for the mind. As one may be able to
drive a car without understanding anything about the nature of the engine,
gears, brakes and the rest, so one can make things out of copper without
understanding the atomic hypothesis, let alone the quantum theory that might
predict its conductivity in the solid state.
Indeed, most of what is taught as "science" in the schools is
philosophically not exacting, nor should it be. The names of the parts of
animals, and the species and genera are simple facts, but they are made easier
to remember, easier to organize, when simple genetic and evolutionary
"causes" are assigned to some of this organization. Electric circuits
are "explained" by naming such things as resistance and inductance
and mathematically analyzing a diagram using a few handy rules. There is a level at which the optical
behavior of lenses and thin films is best understood by saying flat out that
light is composed of waves of such and such a frequency, which can interfere
with one another the way water waves do, and yet travel in straight lines too,
as does a wave front in water. For
mnemonic purposes, and for calculating things about batteries and cameras, this
sort of information is fine, and is a valuable consequence of the work of
science, but it is not in itself scientific education. Or not yet.
When one begins to learn
how resistance and inductance are measured, and how two different means of
measurement prove equivalent when mediated by a theory, then science has really
begun. There is nothing obvious about the statement that light is a wave
phenomenon, and there never will be, but the value of the wave model as a
hypothesis is not too hard to demonstrate. The future electrician can today
learn many cheerful facts about the 29 electrons of copper under the impression
that he is learning physics or chemistry, and yet show no sign in later life of
having been injured by the mindlessness of the exercise; because all he ever
ends up doing with copper is designing wiring with due attention to its
conductivity as printed in a handbook. The school thinks that in drilling him
about electrons it taught him science. He thinks, at least in his student days,
that because he can fill pages with relevant exam-passing symbols, that what he
has learned is science. Neither of them knows better because his later work
with wiring never tests the result.
In truth, the that
Rochester high school teacher drilled his class on the 29 electrons in shells
only because it was in the book. Suppose we changed the book. Suppose we never even mentioned electrons,
but had our future scientist -- and the future non-scientist too -- spend a
year in a class called "chemistry" repeating only what the eighteenth
century philosophers were doing when they first isolated copper, devising tests
to distinguish between certain elements and the compounds that were
combinations of them, tests to show that the very notions of
"element" and "compound" make sense in a way that other
hypotheses on the nature of matter did not. Which way would our high school
students learn more chemistry? The answer is: by omitting the electron shells
for the time being, and paying close
attention to the experiments of Lavoisier and Priestly.
The future engineer would
still have to learn some day how to use his materials. To learn a bit of this
at an early age might be useful, whether or not it was combined with his
education in the nature of science, but his lack of information about electrons
would have no bearing on that. If, then, he turned out to be one of the few who
wanted and could use a deep scientific education, he would find that he had
already achieved a philosophical stance making the quantum theory a hundred
times easier to learn, when it came his turn to learn it. Similarly with any
other science, and with mathematics too.
And it is not only as preparation for later technical or scientific
study that this sort of beginning is important. It is exactly here that the
bridge between Snow's two cultures must be built, not in fairy tales about the
29 electrons and E = mc2, but in the tedious construction of a model
for what one can himself observe, and in the understanding of what a model is,
what it collates, what it predicts, how it may be falsified and perhaps
modified. Most important, everyone should understand the philosophic status of
a model, how "model" is really another word for "theory,"
and how a model and its predictions do not form a list of facts analogous to
(say) the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles.
The Case of Evolution
To anyone who understands
the nature of theory, of models and their consequences, the controversy
concerning evolution in the public schools is foolish on both sides, in the
terms in which it is argued publicly. Both the Creationists who decry teaching
evolution and the scientists who defend it are talking as if evolution were
true or false, like a theorem of Euclidean geometry or the 8.92 density of
copper. They also talk as if the Creation as described in Genesis were made of
assertions of the same nature. If they were, there would be something to
quarrel about. But the two stories of the origin of species, Genesis and Dar-
win's, each have their own philosophical standing. And each is worth learning,
though for different reasons, for they do not each have the same sort of
consequences. A student learning the Darwin theory should be given to
understand that he is not learning facts. The facts are what the dissecting
table tells him, the fossils in the rocks, and what the books describe about
the experiments of other scientists, all too numerous for any high school
student to repeat for himself but not too subtle for him to imagine performing,
given the time and the tools. The theory, then, is what places the facts
in orderly arrangement to begin with, and then goes on to accomplish a good
deal more.
The biblical story also
makes an orderly arrangement of these facts, or at least does not contradict
them. To say that what is out there is out there by virtue of God's will is to deny
no fact whatever. To know the biblical story in some depth helps understand
much of the history of our civilization, its darker moments and its glories
both, the Spanish Inquisition and the Bach B Minor Mass. There are
scientists, too, practicing Christians or Jews, for whom the biblical story is
an inspiration without which they could not imagine working, even in the
laboratory. To deprive students of this literature is to make incomprehensible
our own history, which every citizen really must understand.Even the theories of Galileo and Newton
sprang from a Bible-inspired view of the universe. The consequences of the
Darwin model are of another sort.
Granting the model, biologists looked for a molecular mechanism that
might give rise to the variation (later, "mutation") needed to make
the model work. With the rediscovery of the work of Mendel the search became
more focused still, and the science of heredity had somehow to be reconciled
with the doctrine of change. A careful history of this process is not merely a
celebration of the road to DNA, it is a lesson in how an ingenious model need
not be declared true or false and may yet guide science in fruitful directions
that would not have been dreamed of without it. Any educated person must
understand the part the Darwinian hypothesis played, and still plays, in the
back of the mind of the man with the electron microscope. This educated person
will never understand Darwin if he is constrained to call it all true, as if
future observation could never require its replacement by something better. He
will never understand it if he is constrained to call it false, either. Worst
of all, if his education is such as to make him think that if it can't be
called true or false, one or the other, it cannot be worth much, then his
education has been a total failure.
Back to the Schools
The scientific education
given by the public schools is exactly this total failure. It is not the
failure to teach the Second Law of Thermodynamics that is the fault, nor the
failure to teach enough facts, though these are indeed some of its failures.
The failure of the schools may be measured exactly by the observation that
"creationist" and "evolutionist" textbook committees think
they necessarily have a quarrel. It is only as matters stand that they do,
because the books they would have the school boards adopt tend to speak of
theories as if they were facts; but this is not the way matters have to stand.
Changing the biology books alone will not do the job. The proper attitude is
one that must be inculcated over many years of education if it is to make sense
to the average child of high school age. As it is, the attitude in question is
today not even held by his teachers. As with the School Mathematics Study Group
and the "new math," a change in this state of affairs appears to be a
bootstrap operation impossible of accomplishment. If that is so, one can only
be hopeless about the future of the world, for this implies that religious and
ethnic strife will never yield to reason, and that disasters along other fault
lines -- religious, racial, linguistic, economic, legal -- will forever keep
mankind from happiness. A pessimist too has a model of history, and it is not
yet possible to call him wrong. It is possible to put his model to the test,
though, and it is our duty to do so. We therefore should bend our efforts to
teach science from the earliest grades as a process of discovery (mankind’s
discovery, not discoveries by the student except in a limited way, for the
history of scientific discovery cannot be reproduced in a single lifetime in a
high school class or laboratory.)
One must, of course, begin
with a budget of facts, some of them facts the child can observe for himself.
There is no need to pretend, by the way, as some sentimental school teachers
try to do, that what is happening is really discovery; the student should
understand that history is being repeated here, though usually in a simplified
way, and certainly much faster than the first time around. In every case, the
fitting of facts into a problematic pattern must be attempted, even if only a
principle of classification. Whatever
it is, the problem must be made clear before a solution is attempted. Little by
little, hypotheses should be insinuated, much as mankind has done in its own
history, to organize these facts whose concatenation forms the problem, and to
serve as a model from which predictions arise. Not every model must be
complete, and some should be wrong enough to provide the student with the
thrill of himself finding the falsification.
Modern technology cannot
be hidden from these students, of course, but "explanations" of how a
computer or television set works should always make explicit what is being left
out. And what is being left out -- for the time being – cannot help but include
much that the student could not in principle test for himself. To explain
electric current as a flow of electrons teaches nothing, until -- much later in
the educational process, probably in college -- the student is prepared for
such a model. To explain it as a flow
of something, however, provides a model that can be understood and
worked with. To say, as Faraday said,
that a "current" is an imaginary fluid, that seems to move when a
wire is placed in the vicinity of a moving magnet, does make sense. It guides
our thoughts and causes us to ask questions of measurement. What sort of
"fluid"? Let's try a few experiments and see. In what measurable way
is the wire different when the magnet is in motion, from what it is when the
magnet is still? Does it matter what the wire is made of? This can be made to
make sense to everyone. Until it does make sense it is futile to go further
into the story of electrons.
Good teaching will make
students look forward to the day when they will have the answers to what is now
necessarily obscure. For the best
students, such education is a preparation for research of their own; but all
students will benefit by knowing how models are formed, and by knowing that
answers don't grow in books. Until the language of scientific hypothesis and
falsification replaces the language of scientific truth and verification in the
schoolbooks and the newspapers there is little hope that any bridge between the
two cultures can be formed, and little hope, too, that any but a very few of us
will overcome that handicap, to become useful scientists. The "delay"
of scientific education, that teachers fear might result from the systematic
introduction of the historical method of teaching science, instead of today's drumfire
list of scientific truths, is illusory. It might look like a delay to a ten
year old deprived of knowledge of the number of electrons in an atom of copper,
but that would be empty knowledge. The speed of understanding of really
sophisticated theory at a later stage, that results from a proper understanding
of the nature of science, albeit based on experiments made centuries ago, would
outweigh this delay a hundred to one.
To the schoolteachers and
the schools, here is the prescription:
Slow it down. This is not the same as "dumb it down," which is
the ironic description so true of many recent educational innovations. The
cramming of information about E=mc2 and the planetary electron
shells of copper is of no value until certain more basic ideas, patiently
arrived at, have been found to model a visible reality. All this is not to say
that we know nothing, that everything we do proceeds according to a model we
may yet find false. Students must understand the convenience of the common
understanding too, and that it really is true that putting one's hand in the
fire is hurtful, whatever a philosopher might say about models and
falsifiability. But the common understanding (according to the evolutionary
model of the history of mankind) was formed in our species to apply to common
experience, which must be carefully distinguished from what we think we know
about thermodynamics and electrons.
The greatest advantage of
a rational, historically based, scientific education would accrue to the most
ordinary citizen, the one to whom the detailed understanding of the exact
meaning (today) of a statement about the electrons of copper will never be of
importance. He would know what science is about, and what it can and cannot say
and do. He would end up with a scientific picture of the universe to which he
can add for the rest of his life, something that the person with either a list
of forgettable facts or a bag of garbled theoretical phrases cannot. It is not
possible for every architect, baker and statesman to understand algebraic
topology and quantum theory; but it is worse than useless to have them mouth
some of the vocabulary of these sciences as if they had learned something, and
then argue seriously about whether evolution "has been proved, or is only
a theory."It may be that special
talent or interest is necessary to make a child into a scientist, and that even
with talent the needed education is too arduous and long for more than a few.
What C. P. Snow wanted may not ever be possible, and the view of science
available to the average literate person might well be only a small set of
two-dimensional views; but every literate person should be able to learn enough
of the mode and meaning of science to appreciate the idiocy of the phrase,
"only a theory." It must be possible to everyone to understand enough
of science as a human activity, and as a philosophic stance, to know that a
political debate about evolution is nonsense unworthy of our energies.
Ralph A. Raimi
12 December 1991, revised 17 June 2004